THE CURSE
OF THE CREATIVE CLASS
the opinion of one reader
--------------------------------------------------------------
The following is the opinion of David Laumer
in response to "The Curse of the Creative Class"
by Steven Malanga printed in the City Journal. It
does not reflect the beliefs of his employer. Click
here for excerpts from the
City Journal article.
I have read Mr. Malanga's opinion elsewhere, and
it is clear to me that we did not read the same book.
While the country experiences a dramatic increase
in the number of working poor and an erosion of jobs
that support families and provide benefits, Mr. Malanga
counts jobs as a sign of economic health. I read Florida's
book over a year ago, so I am a little rusty as to
some of the details, but the thrust was more to do
with the mobility of a type of worker he describes
collectively as the "Creative Class" and
the impact these worker's locational choices have
on communities.
As these "Creatives" attempt to maximize
the utils related to location of residence, while
working to externalize the negatives related to location
of work, they choose to live in places that reflect
their values and interests. If Detroit or Sioux City
create more jobs or more new businesses than the Bay
Area or San Diego, they may nonetheless see front
office jobs relocated to or their shareholders and
founders moving to the cities Florida describes.
The sobering implication of Mr. Florida's work that
caused me the most concern, and which Mr. Malanga
does not comment on, is the growing regional divide
along wealth, class, and quality of life. The back
office moves to some place nobody has ever heard of,
while the front office relocates to San Diego, or
Chicago, or the Bay Area.
Mr. Florida's book told me that you need to ensure
that your community provides the basic infrastructure,
but that you can't stop there. You also need to do
what you can to distinguish your community as a "place."
Just as brand managers position products in a marketplace,
so cities need to recognize that in an economy where
some of the best compensated workers really can "phone
it in," the relationship between home and work
or front end, back office, and manufacturing has changed.
A city's monopoly in provision of services to a business
that was tied to a location has been replaced by a
marketplace of competing communities vying for the
business or the most attractive parts of the business.
In this environment, communities lacking a strong
and positive sense of place are simply not going to
benefit to the extent that an Austin or Chicago will.
In that sense, maybe the efforts of some communities
to appear more diverse, more artistic, and more cultured
will not prevent the loss of their most affluent and
well educated residents. That loss may be masked to
the extent that low wage call center or distribution
center jobs replace the loss, but only Mr. Malanga
will miss the significance.
Cities want to retain or gain their edge, even though
many of them will not be able to overcome negatives
that come with their location. Communities have spent
money on all sorts of economic development schemes
over the years. The Music Man wasn't the first or
last person to promote music and the arts as an economic
development tool. He wasn't doing anything that the
railroads hadn't done decades before, or that promoters
of stadiums and convention centers wouldn't do nearly
a century later.
Still, if forced to make the choice between a stadium,
a convention center or the more interesting communities
Mr. Florida describes, where is the harm in making
an investment in livability or character? If it doesn't
work, you are not saddled with an empty stadium or
center, but instead with a community where people
feel welcomed, where historic buildings are retained
as focal points, and where art and music are embedded
in the fabric of community. You can hardly fault the
effort, unless you are Mr. Malanga.
excerpts from THE CURSE
OF THE CREATIVE CLASS
Steven Malanga, City Journal
In his popular book The Rise of the Creative Class,
which just appeared in paperback after going through
multiple hardcover editions, (Richard) Florida argues
that cities that attract gays, bohemians, and ethnic
minorities are the new economic powerhouses because
they are also the places where creative workers—the
kind who start and staff innovative, fast-growing
companies—want to live. To lure this workforce,
Florida argues, cities must dispense with stuffy old
theories of economic development—like the notion
that low taxes are what draw in companies and workers—and
instead must spend heavily on cultural amenities and
pursue progressive social legislation.
He concluded that in the new economic order, the
engine of growth wasn’t individual companies
but, rather, creative workers, who came to live in
cities they admired and then started their own firms
or attracted businesses seeking educated workers.
Put another way, Florida’s ideas are breathing
new life into an old argument: that taxes, incentives,
and business-friendly policies are less important
in attracting jobs than social legislation and government-provided
amenities. After all, if New York can flourish with
its high tax rates, and Austin can boom with its heavy
regulatory environment and limits on development,
any city can thrive in the new economy.
Although Florida’s book bristles with charts
and statistics showing how he constructed his various
indexes and where cities rank on them, the professor,
incredibly, doesn’t provide any data demonstrating
that his creative cities actually have vibrant economies
that perform well over time. A look at even the most
simple economic indicators, in fact, shows that, far
from being economic powerhouses, many of Florida’s
favored cities are chronic underperformers.
Exhibit A is the most fundamental economic measure,
job growth. Yet since 1993, cities that score the
best on Florida’s analysis have actually grown
no faster than the overall U.S. jobs economy, increasing
their employment base by only slightly more than 17
percent. Florida’s indexes, in fact, are such
poor predictors of economic performance that his top
cities haven’t even outperformed his bottom
ones.
But Florida rarely lets basic economic data get in
the way of his theories. Since the Internet meltdown,
for instance, he has said that, although some of his
most creative cities don’t seem to be doing
very well these days, their performance shouldn’t
be viewed so narrowly. “These places have been
growing for decades building solid new industries
that have helped to strengthen our economy,”
he writes. But this simply isn’t true. Jobs
data going back 20 years, to 1983, show that Florida’s
top ten cities as a group actually do worse, lagging
behind the national economy by several percentage
points, while his so-called least creative cities
continue to look like jobs powerhouses, expanding
60 percent faster than his most creative cities during
that same period.
Jobs don’t tell the whole story. Florida likes
to talk about his most creative cities as centers
of innovation, and, based on his writings, one would
assume that these cities would be home to thousands
of fast-growing companies.
But many are not. In fact, according to one recent
independent study of entrepreneurship in America,
Florida’s most creative cities are no more likely
to be powerful incubators of fast-growing businesses
than those at the bottom of his rankings.
Among major cities, Detroit—omitted from Florida’s
most creative cities—finished second in the
commission’s report, incubating about 50 percent
more fast-growing companies than the average of all
major cities, with a particular strength in nurturing
high-growth manufacturing businesses. By contrast,
New York, which is among Florida’s most creative
big cities, finished at the bottom of the commission’s
study, producing fast-growing companies at less than
half the rate of all big cities.
If Florida’s cities can’t produce jobs
or high-growth companies at a rapid rate, you would
think they would at least do a good job of attracting
and retaining people, given the professor’s
notion of the importance of place in the new economy,
as a magnet not just for the talented but for residents
of all kinds. But Florida is wrong again. Many of
his “talent magnets” are among the worst
at attracting and, more importantly, hanging on to
residents.
Click here
to read the entire article.
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